Also see the list of Article Collections (to which essays on this list are now linked) and the Bibliography of Primary Sources. According to the author’s abstract, “This paper shows how Wyclif is able at the same time (i) to claim that whatever is is a proposition (‘pan-propositionalism’) and (ii) to develop a nontrivial theory of propositional truth and falsity. [Gray returns to this important Carthusian manuscript for a full discussion of the relationships among its images and lyrics, and its relevance to the “spiritual landscape of late medieval England” (116).] Green, Richard F. [Argues that the odd juxtaposition in Purvey’s Heresies and Errors (as recorded by Lavenham) of a discussion of the marriage of those linked in spiritual affinity (godparents) with the question of whether bastards can inherit the throne can be explained by the situation surrounding John of Gaunt’s marriage to Katherine Swynford and his ambitions for the Beauforts (his illegitimate children by Katherine) in 1396. In at least one notable case, the mid-fourteenth century reforms of Archbishop Thoresby, York identified the problems and found the solutions before Lollardy existed. advance an alternative orthodox position, one that identifies points of consensus, rather than disagreement, with lollard critiques. 1384) is that of the inflexible reformer whose views of the Church were driven by a strict determinism which divided humanity into two eternally fixed categories of the predestined and the damned. Special attention is given to collaboration with German-speaking editors, despite contemporary political tensions, and their contrasting editorial methods.] Spinka, Matthew. To a certain extent Wyclif ‘s explanations fit in with Aristotle’s understanding of language.
Since these bibliographies are meant to be complete listings of texts and studies relevant to Wycliffism, please let us know of any new references which should be included. The study has two parts: 1) Starting from Wyclif’s fivefold propositional typology—including a propositio realis (real proposition) and a sic esse sicut propositio significat (a fact)—we will analyse (a) the three different kinds of real predication, (b) the distinction between primary and secondary signification of propositions (the latter being an instantiation of the former) and (c) the status of logical truth as opposed to (but depending on) metaphysical truth. “John Ball’s Letters: Literary History and Historical Literature.” Hanawalt 176-200. This shows that Lollard influence on Gaunt, or at least on his extended household, lasted longer than has sometimes been supposed.] Green, Samuel Gosnell. Heresy was but one response to what were perceived as problems of the late Medieval spirituality; the church of York offered its own response to those problems. The article includes extensive discussion of the cross and its relation to affective devotion.] Harper-Bill, Christopher. In point of fact, however, Wyclif’s understanding of salvation is quite nuanced and well worth careful study.” The purpose of Levy’s essay, in which he considers earlier work by Lechler, Robson, and Kenny, “is to offer a full appraisal of Wyclif’s soteriology in its many facets. of such doctrine from Wyclif’s Latin works to the vernacular records of fifteenth-century heresy trials, we may perhaps gain a little insight into how certain men and women, from East Anglia and Kent, sought to theorize the business of love and marriage in light of a version of Christianity which combined a strong predestinarian impulse with a strict puritanism in sexual matters” (190). Aristotle recognises that we can talk about substances in many different ways; we can introduce them by using ‘substantial’ names, but also by using names derived from the substances’ accidental features. [Steiner concentrates on the so-called “Long” and “Short Charters of Christ.” She argues that “late medieval preachers and polemicists used documents, both fictive and real, to challenge orthodox notions of textual authority and to produce an oppositional rhetoric.
Betteridge considers several lollard sermons and the 29.3 (June, 1951): 402-19. “‘Deep is the Heart of Man, and Inscrutable’: Signs of Heresy in Medieval Languedoc.” Barr and Hutchinson 267-80. His theological, legal and political vision of restoring original justice through the spiritual reality and sanctity of persona humana in every man, as well as in the community, by the law of love and the use and enjoyment of dominion in community, is conveyed through abundant quotes from his works.”] Borinski, Ludwig. Following up this suggestion, this article argues that Pecock’s concern with literary and theological method is part of an attempt to recover (and “translate” into a vernacular setting) the vitality of academic discussions from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a period during which the role of argumentation in theology still required explicit consideration and some defence. “Religion and the English Nobility in the Later Fourteenth Century.” . Clerics were not opposed to liturgical representations in churches, but they strove ardently to suppress May games, ludi, festivals, and liturgical parodies. “‘The workman is worth his mede’: Poverty, Labor, and Charity in the Sermon of William Taylor.” . “Authority and the Compiler in Westminster Cathedral Treasury MS 4: Writing a Text in Someone Else’s Words.” . Yet, unlike Ockham, but similar to Marsilius, he did not concede to the papacy the plenitude of power. One significant difference, however, is the way in which reformers in the two periods used the commonplace saying that images are “laymen’s books.” The Lollards, even those who were the most outspoken critics of images, used Gregory the Great’s metaphor to support their positions. “‘First is writen a clause of the bigynnynge therof’: The Table of Lections in Manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible.” 24-25 (2005-06): 343-78. In addition to outlining this broader phenomenon, he analyzes polemical comments in the Bible thought to be owned by Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester (London, British Library, MS Egerton 618) that challenge the sainthood of many canonized by the church.] —. At the same time, she argues that “the laity, despite Duffy’s ‘traditional’ epithet, was far from passive in its religious choices” (3). The study covers a wide range of topics, including religious practices (e.g., marriage) as well as pressing religious issues of the time (the saints, the Old Testament). “‘I Promise a Penny that I do not Promise’: The Realist/Nominalist Debate Over Intentional Propositions in Fourteenth Century British Logic and Its Contemporary Relevance.” 11.4 (Dec. [“The influence of the Lollard movement on the Scottish Reformation was pointed out by John Knox in the sixteenth century; and in the latter part of the nineteenth century the same point was stressed by the Historiographer Royal for Scotland, P. Yet in spite of such illustrious advocacy, with one or two minor exceptions, little attention has been paid to the Wycliffite tradition in fifteenth century Scotland.
[Biller examines the heresies of Languedoc, via several question lists use to interrogate suspected Waldensians, in order to uncover the motivations of the questioners; the nature of the 26 (1995): 135-52. Such concerns culminated in Aquinas’s “rhetorical” sensibility, his engagements with “rational persuasion,” his concern with effective methods of disputation with heretics and infidels and his appreciation of the value of “rationes” in theological discourse.] —. Medieval drama, then, stemmed from a more vernacular tradition than previously acknowledged-one developed by England’s laity outside the boundaries of clerical rule. [This book is about the place of pedagogy and the role of intellectuals in medieval dissent. In order to gain a more complete understanding of Wyclif’s views one must study his place within the exegetical tradition of such important biblical passages as Matthew 16.18-19 and Galatians 2.11-14.” —. is that Wyclif consistently championed the role of the theologian, as opposed to the canon lawyer, in determining questions of papal aptitude. According to the abstract, “What separated them was not the recognition of authority as such, but rather the correct application of that authority. In the 1530s the English reformers used the commonplace in similar ways, but by the 1540s they had rejected it altogether. [Most research on Lollard writings has been targeted at the Wycliffite Bible, the sermons, to the detriment of shorter treatises. [According to Peiloka, “This articles discusses the Middle English tables of lections (tabulae lectionun, capitularis lists of periocopes) – liturgical referential tools found in almost one hundred later-fourteenth / early-fifteenth-century manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible. “Tables of Lections in Manuscripts of the Wycliffite Bible.” Poleg and Light 351-378. “Manuscript Paratexts in the Making” British Library MS Harley 6333 as a Liturgical Compilation.” Corbellini, Hoogvliet, and Ramakers 44-67. “Antiquity, Eternity, and the Foundations of Authority: Reflections on a Debate between John Wyclif and John Kenningham, O. London: Society for the Promoting of Christian Knowledge, 1884. Her study emphasizes the development of Christocentric piety during the period, and how this “intersected with the devotional needs of a parish religion in which mystical ecstasy, and ideas of the individual as the bride of Christ, were less important than the pastorally inspired concerns of moral teaching [ . She uses Churchwardens’ accounts, chapel wall paintings, and contemporary texts as sources. Falstaff, Martin Marprelate, and the Staging of Puritanism.” . [This volume was published to coincide with the anniversary of the 1604 Hampton Court conference, which decided to create the King James translation. It has generally been taken for granted that the Lollards were unimportant and possessed little or no influence. [This is a general introduction to Wyclif and Lollardy. Rex controversially argues that Wyclif and the Lollards were far less important than historians and literary critics have often claimed.”] —. From the abstract: “This article re-examines the record and argues that it has been misread.
, and Religious Experience Before and After Arundel.” Gillespie and Ghosh 115-132. The play demonstrates two central Protestant theological tenets in its exposition of monarchy: first is the discrediting of transubstantiation or the notion that the appearances of bread and wine remain even though the substances are transformed into the body and blood of Christ and second, image-making and false pretenses have created a false religion of the state.”] Cammack, Melvin M. “Yet Another ‘Lost’ Chapter of Wyclif’s as containing thirteen tracts, the last seven of which later collected under a single item (viz. This allows for a broader and more consistent account of the order and dating of the (1372) and other Wyclif’s writings.”] —. The article includes, as an Appendix, an edition of the poem in Latin, with a translation.] Carr, J. [This essay argues that a loan in the Shipman’s Tale bears resemblance to a tithe and comments on controversies surrounding the practice, including Wycliffite resistance to tithing.] Colledge, E. Within this, she makes use of Lollard critiques of images (when discussing Virginia and the Physician’s Tale), and Lollard discourse and “understondynge” (in the Parson’s Tale).] Colletti, Theresa. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 200. [Within her study, Colletti makes mention of the fact that “like many medieval reform movements, Lollardy was hospitable to women” (141), and that they were permitted to preach. Chaucer is concerned with language and its ability to convey meaning, both as a poet and as a thinker grappling with the philosophical and intellectual currents of his day.”] Conetti, M. According to the abstract, “The German Johannes Sharpe is the most important and original author of the so called “Oxford Realists”: his semantic and metaphysical theories are the end product of the two main medieval philosophical traditions, realism and nominalism, for he contributed to the new form of realism inaugurated by Wyclif, but was receptive to many nominalist criticisms. “William Thorpe and His Lollard Community: Intellectual Labor and the Representation of Dissent.” Hanawalt and Wallace 199-221. “Rhetoric and the Politics of the Literal Sense in Medieval Literary Theory: Aquinas, Wyclif, and the Lollards.” . If the ‘lexical minutiae’ found here are sometimes clearly Lollard in character, they are at other times clearly indebted to the orthodox tradition” (2).] —. Christopher Ocker argues that interpreters developed a biblical poetics very similar to that cultivated and promoted by Protestants in the sixteenth century, which was reinforced by the adaptation of humanist rhetoric to Bible reading after Lorenzo Valla. Therefore, the article re-examines documents pertaining to the dates of the prebendary and the payments Wycliffe received for it.”] Ortmann, Franz J. Rather than reflect cautious attention to boundaries of “orthodox” belief, ‘A Schort Reule of Lif’ shows that common devotional interests could transcend matters of ideology.”] “‘To þe worschipe of God and profite of his peple’: Lollard Sermons on the Parable of the Labourers in the Vineyard.” Bose and Hornbeck 175-192. Note that this history here on Oxford during Wyclif’s time has been greatly updated and fleshed out in the volume by Catto and Evans entitled on Late Medieval Oxford.
[Bradley argues for more attention to religious experience in the study of vernacular theology and models such study with his comparative reading of Love’s . Fifteenth Century Bristol and Lollard Reconsidered.” Clark 43-62. “‘But and Alle Thingus in Mesure, and Noumbre, and Peis Thou Disposedist’: Some Notes on the Role of Wisdom 11, 21 in Wyclif’s Writings.” Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie Médiévales 80.1 (2013): 109-143. She discusses Walter Brut’s use of Mary Magdalene “in his defense of women’s ability–and right–to preach as well as perform other priestly sacraments” (142), and argues that “Late medieval religious politics–of gender, preaching, and the vernacular–unquestionably shadow the public teaching of the Digby play’s Mary Magdalene” (147).] Collinson, P. Starting from the main thesis of Wyclif’s metaphysics, that the universal and individual are really identical but formally distinct, Oxford Realists introduced a new type of predication, based on a partial identity between the entities for which the subject and predicate stood, called predication by essence, and then redefined the traditional post-Aristotelian categories of essential and accidental predication in terms of this partial identity. “Exegesis of the End: Limitations of Lollard Apocalypticism as Revealed in a Commentary on Matthew 24.” 23.4 (Dec. [Abstract: “Lollard writing is characterised by a preoccupation with the end times, but the kind of eschatological mindset the texts reflect has become a matter of some debate. The book is a comparative study, drawing from a variety of unpublished commentaries as well as more familiar works by Nicholas of Lyra, John Wyclif, Jean Gerson, Denys the Carthusian, Wendelin Steinbach, Desiderius Erasmus, Philip Melanchthon, and John Calvin.”] —. [This essay analyzes Middle English sermons on the Parable of the Labourers in the Vineyard, pointing out common interpretations in Lollard and mainstream sermons, including Mirk’s Festial and Wimbledon’s Sermon, that encourage workers to remain within a three-estates model. Rashdall’s history, though, remains helpful because in his notes and his Appendices he refers to many original documents.
The author examines the principal topics in Netter’s work—God, humanity, Christ, the Church, religious life, prayer, the sacraments—and he makes the case that there is a definite plan which links the various parts of the into a whole giving it a certain theological unity.”] Alford, John. Whereas Langland is more critically reflexive, Wyclif contradicts himself by endorsing the material interests of the secular elites.] —. Central to the book is Aers’s re-conceptualization of the notion of orthodoxy and its attendant term, heresy, terms which have come to define modern accounts of medieval sacramental theology, even where they are acknowledged to be imprecise descriptors of literary texts. Working from Slavoj Zizek’s claim that political identity is often founded on the fetishistic disavowal of a shared guilt, this work argues that the two parts of Henry IV, in their insistent metadramatic reminders of Oldcastle’s treason and execution, function to disturb the audience’s interpellation as subjects of Tudor-Protestant power.”] Bacher, John Rea. “‘Constantine From England and the Bohemians’: Hussitism, Orthodoxy, and the End of Byzantium.” . She argues that rather than directly condemn Lollards, as much contemporary Benedictine poetry did, these lyrics appropriated and adapted Lollard critiques to promote an orthodox agenda for church reform.] —.”‘This Holy Tyme’: Present Sense in the projects a unified, ethical kingdom that contrasts with “the divisions, factions, and unrest following the deposition of Richard II and the threats to the institutional church posed by the challenges of the Lollards.”] Barrows, C. “John Wycliffe.” , Sarah Beckwith explores the most lavish, long-lasting, and complex form of collective theatrical enterprise in English history: the York Corpus Christi plays. “Wyclif and Wycliffism at Oxford 1356-1430.” Catto and Evans 175-261. “Theology After Wycliffism.” Catto and Evans 263-280. “Fellows and Helpers: The Religious Identity of the Followers of Wyclif.” Biller and Dobson 141-62. “The King’s Government and the Fall of Pecock, 1457-58.” , was one of Wyclif’s scholarly disciples. Catto summarizes several of the anonymous texts which comment on Wyclif’s teachings on universals.] —. This study shows that a) in their explanation of what it means for a proposition to be true, Burley and Wyclif both develop what we could call a theory of intentionality in order to explain the relation that must obtain between the human mind and the truth-makers, and b) that their explanations reach back to Augustine, more precisely to his theory of ocular vision as exposed in the 49 (2011): 258-74. Focusing primarily on the writings of the English Dominican Robert Holkot, this paper explores a central transformation in fourteenth-century Eucharistic discourse. [Nisbet’s glosses show how a lay reader in the early to mid-sixteenth century negotiated between different versions of the New Testament.] Dove, Mary. Modern scholars, largely content to accept this claim, have struggled to identify exclusively Lollard elements in the manuscripts. For Wyclif, the Law of Christ calls upon Christians to conform themselves to the poor and humble Christ of the Gospels. “‘Authorial Intention’ and ‘Literal Sense’ in the Exegetical Theories of Richard Fitzralph and John Wyclif: An Essay in the Medieval Theories of Biblical Hermeneutics.” . To “locate Langland more precisely on the intellectual map of his day,” Minnis compares his use of Trajan to John Wyclif’s, especially “in relation to Wyclif’s unusual version of the . The question is deeply connected to whether women can preach, and therefore to the status of languages in which the Word might be preached.] —. [Minnis considers the theology of Brut’s arguments on women priests (recorded in Bp. He traces the echoes of Chaucer’s texts throughout contemporary philosophical and theological texts, including Wycliffite writings, concerned with truth and verifiability, women priests, sin, sexuality, and the sacraments.] —. as Critic of Wycliffite Exegesis.” , of Wyclif’s belief that “present-day religion is full of human institutions and traditions which have no Biblical precedent—and therefore they should be removed” (45), which argued that religious orders should also be removed. In this way, Lollardy becomes a space for proof of Kempe’s authority and orthodoxy.] Moser, Otto. [This is about Westminster School MS 3; it discusses the composition of the various booklets in the manuscript, revising earlier arguments by Hanna and others, to conclude that it was compiled in a secular context.] Mozley, J. Dividing work on sermons into “sermon,” “preacher,” and “society,” Muessig’s historiographical paper discusses how historians use sermons, investigate the diversity of preachers, and have developed studies which examine sermons as sources for intellectual and moral life in the middle ages.] Muir, Lawrence. Lollardy and Wyclif figure at several places in Staley’s argument, notably in her chapter on “Inheritances and Translations,” in how the heresy and Wyclif’s and other Lollard writings are used and rewritten during Richard’s reign.] Stanbury, Sarah.”Visualizing.” .
[Bergs conducts three case studies in Middle English sociolinguistics to test the applicability of Lesley Milroy’s (1987) concept of social network to historical data analysis. Clark has also published a translation of Walsingham’s . [The book demonstrates that the theatrum repudiated by medieval clerics was not “theater” as we understand the term today. [Crassons focuses on the period after the plague, when theological and social conceptions shifted to consider poverty as “a symptom of idleness and other sins” rather than a sign of virtue, as had been the case in the thirteenth-century wake of the fraternal orders (5). “Discarding Traditional Pastoral Ethics: Wycliffism and Slander.” Bose and Hornbeck 227-242. “Heresy Hunting and Clerical Reform: William Warham, John Colet, and the Lollards of Kent, 1511–12.” . [“Wykeham’s administrative talents ensured that he became bishop of Winchester, holder of one of the richest sees in Christendom and Chancellor of England under Edward III and Richard II. Louvain–la-Neuve: Fédération Internationale des Institutes d’Etudes Médiévales, 1998. Instead, the pope would relate to his fellow bishops as St. His fellow Christians would recognize this man as their true pope, for he would be the person most closely resembling the apostolic martyrs and thus prove a genuine disciple of Christ. “Books for Laymen, The Demise of a Commonplace: Lollard Texts and the Justification of Images as a Continuity of Belief and Polemic.” 56.4 (1987): 457-73. [Peikola begins by noting that Lollard writers frequently “opt for a collective and atemporal mode of discourse” as opposed to a discourse which is self-consciously personal or historically situated. Investigating 127 manuscripts of the Bible, he attends to running headers, initials, and especially ruling patterns to “establish whether any such groupings of manuscripts emerge which could provide a starting point for further and more detailed case studies of book productions involving the Wycliffite Bible” (51).] —. finds that finds a mature alternative to Genevan theology existed by the reign of Mary Tudor, led by of a core of ‘freewill men’ who, in Lollard fashion, looked to the scriptures in English for their beliefs, rather than to the new ecclesiastical establishment and state officialdom.”] Peschke, Erhard. New York: Augustinian Historical Institute, 1961-66.
[“This chapter examines three episodes from the life of the Blessed Virgin which Thomas Netter uses to illustrate various points in his arguments with the Lollards” (335).] —. According to the abstract, “from his death in 1430 until the middle of the eighteenth century, Netter was a much-quoted and copied author whose exposition of Catholic teaching on subjects such as the Church, religious life, and the sacraments proved useful to many Counter-Reformation polemicists and apologists. [Aers is primarily concerned with Langland, but uses Lollardy at several points. “John Wyclif: Poverty and the Poor.” 17 (2003): 55-72. The evidence that the prominent English Wycliffe and a leader of the Hussite movement in Bohemia, Peter Payne, stayed among them between 14 is also reviewed. “Material language practice” includes various choices writers make (about diction, genre, etc.), and Barr examines a variety of texts to show how later medieval writers deployed these practices to produce social commentary. “The Deafening Silence of Lollardy in the Digby Lyric.” Bose and Hornbeck 243-260. [“Walter Burley (1275-c.1344) and John Wyclif (1328-1384) follow two clearly stated doctrinal options: on the one hand, they are realists and, on the other, they defend a correspondence theory of truth that involves specific correlates for true propositions, in short: truth-makers. If God could separate accidents from their proper substances, make Christ’s body appear like mere bread, Wyclif doubts we could ever be sure of anything. [Based on comments in the Prologue to the Wycliffite Bible, Dove describes the Lollards’ biblical agenda as threefold: “to enable simple people to have the Bible (or access to it), to understand it, and to live in accordance with it.” This essay primarily discusses the issue of understanding scripture, comparing statements on literal and figurative interpretation in the Prologue to the Wycliffite Bible with other Middle English treatises on biblical translation, including The Holi Prophete Dauid.] Doyle, A. “Books Connected with the Vere Family and Barking Abbey.” n.s. “Heresy and Literacy: Evidence of the Thirteenth-century Exempla.” Biller and Hudson 104-111. “Richard Rolle’s English Psalter and the Making of a Lollard Tract.” 33 (2002): 294-309. The article suggests that modern readers are unfamiliar with mysticism and that college students would be better served to learn about both authors in a British literature survey course. “Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 647 and its Use, c.1410-2010.” In . [Wyclif was well acquainted with the medieval traditions of just war and crusading articulated by theologians and canon lawyers. [Minnis finds insufficient influence of Nominalism (defined as modern critics have used the term) on Chaucer. [Considers two questions asked of Brut, “whether women are suitable ministers to confect the sacrament of the Eucharist,” and “whether women confect or can confect as true priests the sacrament of the Eucharist” (92). “Translation Strategies in Middle English: The Case of the Wycliffite Bible.” , arguing that they “serve as a call to conversion” (24). “Conciliarism and Heresy in England.” Gillespie and Ghosh 155-165. “The Comparative Mobility and Immobility of Lollard Descendants in Early Modern England.” Spufford 309-31. [Staley’s fascinating work on the relationship between history and literature in the later middle ages turns here to reading, as she says, “the ways in which late-fourteenth-century English writers used, analyzed, and altered the languages of power. [Stanbury begins with Knighton’s description of the 1382 Lollard burning of an statue of St. [Stavsky examines how Wyclif and Wycliffite writers explicated and employed the story of Susanna and the Elders, paying special attention to the politics of such writing, especially manifested in their images of community.
This book is the first survey of the whole of the and it argues that there is more to Netter than anti-Lollard polemic. Aers argues that “we must be careful not to read with the prejudice that it must fit an ‘orthodoxy’ shaped by the Church’s war to eliminate Wycliffite inflections of Christianity. [The essay, a contribution to a special section on “Langland and Lollardy,” argues that, contrary to opinion of some scholars, Langland and Wyclif didn’t entirely agree on the subjects of evangelical poverty and attention to the contemporary poor. [Aers begins with orthodox accounts of the sacrament of the altar in order to think about the place of sanctification and signs in works by William Langland, John Wyclif, Walter Brut, and William Thorpe. The author concludes by exploring when the Hussites ceased to exist as a discrete cultural community in Moldavia.”] —. [Barr examines literary texts “as examples of socioliterary practice. [Barr examines the noteworthy absence of references to Lollardy in an early fifteenth-century series of lyric poems extant in Bodleian Library MS Digby 102. 92, a collection he compiled of work by John Tarteys, Robert Allington, William Milverly, Richard Lavenham, and a few anonymous tracts. Both characteristics are interdependent: such a conception of truth requires a certain kind of ontology. All natural knowledge, perhaps even all religious knowledge, would be lost. [Richard Rolle’s English Psalter was frequently copied and, by the early fifteenth century, was a source of religious controversy, as one writer complained that Lollard scribes had contaminated an otherwise orthodox text by introducing heretical glosses. Also evaluated is the benefit of studying Kempe alongside “The Wife of Bath’s Tale,” by Geoffrey Chaucer.”] Hall, L. ,’ Lollard Socio-textual Ideology, and Ricardian-Lancastrian Prose Translation.” Copeland 244-263. Yet he had become disillusioned with a Christian society that exploited these traditions to pursue destructive policies of repression and conquest, thereby forsaking the eternal Law of Christ. Langland’s consideration of Nominalism, especially concerning baptism and Trajan, is more ambiguous, though Minnis believes that Langland “avoided both Neopelagianism and Wycliffite predestinarianism by constructing a Trajan who is given full credit for his ‘truthe’ yet needs some help from a saint” (64). Minnis uses these to consider “the formulation of one issue which arose in the course of the debate: the proposed connection between two ways in which Christ’s body was made, through conception and through confection” (94). .’: Walter Brut in Debate on Women Priests.” Barr and Hutchinson 229-49. [The starting point for Minnis’s discussion is Donatism–whether a priest in sin can even so validly perform sacraments. There is no need for the saying of banns, the presence of a priest, or, indeed, for the expression of vows by the couple who are joining together in holy matrimony. She emphasizes that this is a work of spiritual instruction, in which Kempe’s oral learning is presented during the accusations. [This essay touches on Lollardy only briefly, but serves to place it within the larger range of sermon studies in the last quarter century. [To understand Gascoigne’s pessimism about reform, Russell asks whether “the English ever placed their hopes in the efficacy of the general council as a reforming body.” Focusing primarily on Netter’s . Moreover, I seek to understand the nuances and purposes of courtly address by reading literary works within the contexts of historical and explicitly political texts that sought to organize and define the events of the age and by using literary works to provide a context for those events we call ‘history.’ This book isolates and traces what is an actual search for a language of power during the reign of Richard II and scrutinizes the ways in which Chaucer and other writers participated in these attempts to articulate the concept of princely power” (ix). Katherine to argue for a materialist consideration of “the relationship between the image debate as it developed in later fourteenth-century England and the circulation or entailment of images as forms of property.
This page is kept as one file to allow word searches of the whole list at once (use the “Find” command in your browser). One of her books included a copy of a glossed Psalter, apparently Rolle’s English commentary, and her relations included Sir John de Cobham, whose granddaughter Joan married John Oldcastle (ch. Chapter 5 describes the book reading and ownership circles around the anchoress Katherine Mann and Abbess Elizabeth Throckmorton in the 1520s, both of whom owned the writings of Tyndale, the former receiving her copy of the 52 (1985): 159-70. “Wyclif’s Logic and Wyclif’s Exegesis: the Context.” Walsh and Wood 287-300. “Wyclif on Literal and Metaphorical.” Hudson and Wilks 259-66. “English Provincial Constitutions and Inquisition into Lollardy.” Flannery and Walker 45-59. This recovered tradition of women’s preaching revises scholarship on the medieval period that attributes women’s authority to visionary rather than textual knowledge, and reveals a new sphere of women’s eloquence on a par with Renaissance humanism.”] Gethyn-Jones, J. “John Trevisa—An Associate of Nicholas Hereford.” . Examining Latin and English sources, Ghosh shows how the same debates over biblical hermeneutics and associated methodologies were from the 1380s onwards conducted both within and outside the traditional university framework, and how, by eliding boundaries between Latinate biblical speculation and vernacular religiosity, Lollardy changed the cultural and political positioning of both. It is here that Pecock’s works,” Ghosh continues, “can help us to refine and nuance our understanding of ‘Lollardy'” (252). to turn on its head the ‘Averroistic’ identification of happiness with the philosophical life and its associated methodologies” (257). [Gillespie begins with a brief discussion of Birgittine history and spirituality to discuss how and why the Syon community contained many Wycliffite (and anti-Wycliffite) works, and why it would have been interested in both the academic and popular aspects of Wycliffism.] —.“Chichele’s Church: Vernacular Theology in England after Thomas Arundel.” Gillespie and Ghosh 3-42. The papal decretal “Exiit qui seminat” was designed to protect the mendicant life of the Franciscan Order, extolling that life as the highest expression of Christian perfection. Reformation and Renaissance in the Spirituality of Late Medieval England.” Gillespie and Ghosh 55-72. Gould’s theory of biological evolution, as well as to the work of queer theorists Glenn Burger and Steven Kruger, Sargent applies a “preposterous” theory of history to late medieval spirituality, drawing attention to the complexity and diversity that defies binaristic descriptions of orthodoxy and heterodoxy.] —. The manuscript is a fifteenth century English Codex which was bound in the earlier decades of the seventeenth century. Again pending further study, neither do Wyclif’s views appear to assign philosophically extreme or novel roles to the entities he does recognize as universal. not simply the excesses of ecclesiastical bureaucracies and royal courts but the very relations of textuality,” thereby offering “a set of tropes to discuss the rhetorical, evidentiary, and foundational claims of official texts” (186-87).] —. Steiner explains that the distinctive rhetoric, material form, and ritual performance of legal documents offered writers of Chaucer’s generation and the generation succeeding him a model of literary practice. A comparison of [Johann Wiclef’s] theses and Johannes von Tepl’s disputation demonstrates that the dialogue between the ‘Ackermann’ and death shows Wiclef’s influence. [Along with Usk, James I, Charles d’Orléans, and George Ashby, Summers in one chapter discusses two Wycliffite writers, William Thorpe and Richard Wyche. Wyche and Thorpe construct a favourable literary identity through intertextual reference, notably by inviting comparisons with hagiographic figures. [This is a popular text, both in complete and re-compiled forms.
Under any one author’s name, works are listed in chronological order of publication. Covering a wide range of texts–scholastic and extramural, in Latin and in English, written over half a century from Wyclif to Netter–Ghosh concludes that by the first half of the 15th century Lollardy had partly won the day. “Reginald Bishop Pecock and the Idea of ‘Lollardy.'” Barr and Hutchinson 251-65. Ghosh examines how Lollardy maintained some intellectual coherence, some aspects of Pecock’s “reimagined scholastic thought” in his debates with Lollardy, and moves at the end towards characterizing mid-fifteenth-century Lollardy and how it might “relate to late medieval politics of biblical interpretation” (253).} —. Ghosh examines “Wyclif’s meta-discursive engagement with scholastic episteme, especially the status of the arts in education. Second, Wyclif introduces the discourse of ‘happiness’ in relation to . Logic is crucial to understanding the impact of this critique on vernacular Lollardy since it lies at the core of his definition of “scriptural logic.” “This was one aspect of his thought,” Ghosh argues, “taken up most enthusiastically by his followers” (258); he examines how in the tract . [Gillespie argues that the recent focus on Arundel’s Constitutions has obscured the influence of the Council of Konstanz on the fifteenth-century English church. [From the abstract: “[W]as there a uniquely and identifiable northern culture that responded differently than the south to heresy and to religious concerns? “English Views on the Reforms to be Undertaken in the General Councils (1400-1418) with special reference to the proposals made by Richard Ullerston.” D. It was not intended to function as a blueprint for the entire clergy.] —. “The Lollard Trail: Some Clues to the Spread of Pre-Protestant Religious Dissent in Scotland, and its Legacy.” 33 (2003): 1-34. “A rhetorical study of selected English sermons of John Wycliff.” Diss., Northwestern University, 1969. “Minor Devotional Writings.” Edwards and Pearsall 147-175. The binding encompasses three Middle English texts: a Wycliffite New Testament, a lectionary for Dominicals and Ferials, and a text on planting and grafting.”] Shettle, G. On the contrary, by at least one measure, his theory of universals is less extreme than Walter Burley’s, as Wyclif himself observes. “Friar Richard ‘Of Both Sexes.'” Barr and Hutchinson 13-31. “Lollardy and the Legal Document.” Somerset, Havens, and Pitard 155-174. The study covers a wide variety of medieval texts including sermons and trial records, 93.3 (July, 2009): 471-479. This is supported as the writer disregards the invocation of the saints and the worship of the Virgin Mary in his disputation. “The following chapters,” Summers says in her introduction, “examine how each author’s predicament of persecution and imprisonment precipitates and even prescribes the politial nature of his literary self-portrayal” (3). Furthermore, the texts are designed to oppose and counter the printed word and propoganda of the Church with Lollardy’s own authoritative texts” (112). Arguing for a later date, nearer to the 1408 than 1382, than its editors Bazire and Colledge considered, Sutherland reads the text attending to the fact that the text was written “at a time of acute anxiety regarding the translation of the Bible and the role of the vernacular in theological discourse” (354). The volume was endowed to the chapel but it isn’t known whether it actually resided there. as an overtly heretical or threatening text” (107).] —.
[Bose investigates how Wycliffite and other reformist writers used the life of Christ to “anchor, define, and legitimize” their positions, describing Christ’s vita as common discursive ground for scholastic theologians. [A commentary on Wyclif and studies of his life just before the quincentary of his death. In the play, Falstaff represents a reformationist distrust of the image and reflects. “Reginald Pecock’s vision of religious education for ‘alle cristen peple’ in fifteenth-century England.” Ph. The first two chapters examine continuities between the sophisticated religious prose of the late fourteenth century and Pecock’s corpus in terms of the way that these works sought to influence the pious laity through instruction on devotional practices . This state is used as a standard of measure of the fallen man’s condition. He goes on to argue that Lollardy emerges from Wycliffism, but it also goes beyond “a set of classifiable (and condemnable) beliefs” (27), offering a kind of “generic consistency” for texts, both Wycliffite and not, written both before and after 1382.] —. Moreover, it suggests how its orthodoxy is constructed through its baptismal aspects.”] —. Standing on the firm ground of Augustinian realism, Wyclif disputes the modern logicians, who refute the existence of universals and thus chip away at the foundations of the Christian faith. [Lollards adapted the content of some orthodox works, including commentaries on the basics of the faith. [Mc Cormack discusses passages in which lollardy is mentioned or alluded to in Chaucer’s works, and reviews critical commentary on these passages.] —. Their attitude tended to erode the distinction, emphasized by the scholars of St. “Wyclif’s Influence upon Central and Eastern Europe.” New Brunswick: Rutgers Univ. [O’Donnell outlines Wyclif’s argument against Confirmation in the , Netter’s extensive reply, and puts them into context, noting that both were rehearsing earlier arguments, but that differences occur in methodology, especially in Netter’s disagreement with Wyclif’s 61.1 (Jan. [“The article discusses the tenure of 14th-century English theologian and church reformer John Wycliffe as the prebend of Aust in the collegiate church of Westbury-on-Trym in Gloucestershire, England. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse 3, Folge 179. While it is possible that some changes were made for ideological reasons, on the whole, changes made with regard to “sensitive matters” stressed the “nature of the poem as a poem” (10).] Peck, Russell. The text survives in seven fifteenthcentury religious miscellanies, ranging from predominantly Lollard collections to those with primarily mainstream texts.